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Buitenaardsen komen eraan!
Toen 300 jaar geleden de eerste graancirkel werd gevonden door een boer uit Engeland, was dat volgens velen het werk van de duivel. De boer trof in 1678 platgedrukt graan aan in zijn weiland. Dat moest wel het werk van de duivel zijn. Drie eeuwen later verschenen er opnieuw graancirkels, dit keer bij heiligdommen zoals Stonehenge en Silbury Hill. Biofysische afwijking Er zijn inmiddels vele duizenden graancirkels verschenen. Er zijn in de loop der tijd ook veel verklaringen voor dit fenomeen verschenen. Sommigen denken dat ze het werk zijn van grappenmakers of dat het gaat om reclamestunts. Ossebaard stelt dat ze worden gemaakt door buitenaardse wezens. De graancirkelspecialiste heeft zelfs contact gehad met deze ‘cirkelmakers’, die volgens haar in vrede komen. Volgens Ossebaard kun je gemakkelijk zien wanneer een graancirkel mensenwerk is en wanneer niet. In het laatste geval is er namelijk een biofysische afwijking te herkennen in het gewas. Het jaar 2013 was een bizar graancirkeljaar omdat het seizoen erg laat begon. Normaal gesproken begint het in april, dit jaar pas in juni. Het gewas bleef achter door de kou. Eigenlijk was 2013 de anticlimax van 2012, aldus Ossebaard. Lichtwezens Het begon allemaal in 1997, toen Ossebaard op een avond naar het huis ging van haar toenmalige vriend. Hij keek naar een golfwedstrijd op tv, dus ze ging alvast naar de slaapkamer. Daar kwamen plotseling zo’n 15 tot 20 lichtwezens van zo’n meter lang met wapperende kledij uit de muren. De wezens lieten haar de geheimen van de kosmos zien en zweefden tegelijkertijd door haar lichaam. Of deze wezens de cirkelmakers zijn kan Ossebaard niet met zekerheid zeggen. Ook lichtbollen of vliegende schotels zouden verantwoordelijk kunnen zijn voor de geometrische patronen in de akkers. “Ze hebben een hoger plan voor ons,” vertelt Ossebaard. “Het duizendjarige rijk van vrede is in aantocht.” De overvolle zaal – zo’n 100 mensen – knikt enthousiast. Volgens de graancirkeldeskundige willen de buitenaardsen ons vertellen dat we te veel bezig zijn met ons ego. Ze brengen emotionele en spirituele groei die ons leert ons ego te overstijgen. Bron: Studentenkrant.org Gerelateerd:
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The Oz Factor … Contact Through Human Consciousness? -PART 3
The Oz Factor … Contact Through Human Consciousness? -PART 3
Preamble to the Ultimate Debate
By Morley Legg
It is not always easy settling on what is true. For one thing too much truth too quickly can be unsettling indeed when dealing with ufology, but ideas
are afloat for the safest way through this.
A recent television debate between an historian, three theologian-scientists and the noted atheist zoologist Professor Richard Dawkins highlighted the gulf between the two sides of the ultimate disagreement on whether religion and science are compatible (Compass, February, 1999).
Whereas the religionists believed in God, a purpose in life, and that morality depended on the presence of religion, Richard Dawkins tersely stated that living creatures were made from "the same range of atoms as the rest of the cold dead universe", and that the only thing special about living matter was that its atoms were arranged as digitally coded genes. He said all the information can now be read out of a cell and stored in a computer, and subsequently be available to be read back into other cells, saying that "the modern molecular digital gene is a nail in the coffin of the religious world view."
Naturally there were firm, tense disagreements. In the face of his four opponents Dawkins was impressive. He maintained life had no ultimate purpose and that religion was basically "stupefied superstition." It was a debate that encouraged viewers to wonder and think.
Carl Sagan is equally critical of religion. His book The Demon-Haunted World leads us to expect that in a debate on UFOs he would be as cold and abrasive as Dawkins. It is odd that at the close of this millennium divisions are deepening, as if in anticipation of an outcome. But will mainstream science on the one hand, and mainstream religions on the other, be overtaken by a growing mass of people eager for clarification as to whether or not aliens are here? There is a fear that knowing too much too quickly could endanger the world economy. Yet to continually dismiss the implications of the whole picture
– sightings, abduction claims, the full range of physical evidence, cattle mutilations etc – by declaring all experiences to be misconceptions or hallucinations seems unwise indeed. There are signs, however, that debates on this matter are a growing probability.
In Britain, in July 1997, a significant televised debate between ufologists and sceptics brought a phone-in response of one hundred thousand calls – with ninety-two percent voting for the ufologists (Strange But True, 1997).
The enthusiasm of the audience gave the impression that more would follow. Such debates are of immense importance if the evidence and implications of an alien presence are to reach the wider public.
There is another reason why further debates could be inevitable. On August 29th 1998, in England, The Times newspaper published a front page report saying that Father Corrado Balducci of the Vatican Congregation for the Evangelisation of Peoples, said it was wrong to assert that reports of encounters with aliens are not credible. "Their existence can no longer be denied, for there is too much evidence for the existence of extraterrestrials and flying saucers", he said. The report indicated that some Vatican officials were taking the matter seriously.
The announcement was further reported in the English UFO Magazine (November–December, 1998, p.65) which commented that because three leading religious figures attended the inaugural meeting of 'Origins' at the White House in the United States, they could have been warned: "You have five years in which to educate your flock to the extraterrestrial concept ..."
These unexpected admissions will fuel divisions, and the question of an alien presence on earth will need resolving. It will take time for whole populations ignorant of the claims to adjust. However, there could be help from an unexpected source. In January 1999, on the Australian Broadcasting Commission, Radio National program Late Night Live, Peter Vardy, a philosopher from the University of London, was speaking about new approaches to aid in arriving at the truth. There was no mention of ufology, but aspects of his talk offered hope for anyone dedicated to uncovering the truth from controversial or suppressed material.
Peter Vardy spoke of new ways to explore the important neglected ground between the idea of absolute truth and the idea that truth is only a social construct – that truth varies with different cultures. Truth, he stressed, was "most dangerous with people who know", and who then use it as a weapon of power to inflict on others, as fundamentalists are inclined to do. Comments were made that whereas imperialism in the Western patriarchal rational approach suppressed or controlled the feminine and the indigenous, control in our modern world had fallen into the hands of science and the owners of the world's media. Many who explore anomalous phenomena have often felt science and the world media were reluctant to give fair representation to disclosures that undermine conventional viewpoints.
Getting to the prime truths behind major controversies – whether they are environmental, nuclear, or alien abduction – is surely of ultimate importance.
And this is where the advice of Peter Vardy is interesting. He said it was important for young people to start thinking about meaning, value and what is true, and then to ask, "How do we critique what we have arrived at?" Becoming familiar with the rudiments of arriving at truth, and being practised at facing even our own critique, would be essential for those taking part in debates.
Humility was essential; any sign of arrogance suggested truth was becoming elusive. He said if you are making a "realist truth claim" you have to accept the possibility of being wrong.
Vardy said religious and values education (RVE) should not be associated with the church. It was an academic subject open to all beliefs. The aim was not to surrender to education as if it were an indoctrination, but to help young people
to probe, to question, to analyse – to think through issues of meaning and value. In Britain, RVE was now mandatory in science and business faculties because it was realised that huge advances in science involved consequences. Students required a grasp of the end result of their endeavours.
Imagine a debate is in progress and we take a side on whether or not aliens exist on earth. How would we cope with being proved wrong? With so much disinformation fed into ufology, 'being wrong' about certain issues or cases is a possibility we should be prepared to admit. As for being wrong about the whole UFO-alien phenomenon, well, we'll have to wait and see. The important thing according to Vardy is to have developed and maintained the truth or the integrity of your seeking, and that integrity should enable you to admit being wrong, in spite of the costs involved.
It is hard for people entrenched in polarities to agree on the possibility of being wrong, and it is not unknown for fundamentalist attitudes to show up in anyone, scientists included, who use their education as if it were an indoctrination. The debate between Richard Dawkins and the theologians suggested some personal work on desires and agendas was required. Peter Vardy's idea of being open to re-examining knowledge, of becoming practised at self critique, could reduce divisions and antagonisms, thereby shifting emphasis from fighting to defend a position, to being open to learn something new.
This may call for a different mind-set. The first essential is to have an adjudicator awake to preconceptions, and proficient at imposing fair standards. This was proved possible with Michael Aspel's handling of the English debate.
And then it would be a requirement for each participant to have read and be questioned on literature chosen by the opposing side. For example the sceptics might choose Carl Sagan's The Demon-Haunted World, and Curtis Peebles' Watch the Skies for ufologists to study. The ufologists might challenge the sceptics with Jim Marrs' Alien Agenda and Timothy Good's Beyond Top Secret: The Worldwide UFO Security Threat.
It could be argued that Truth, like reality, has different facets; that each individual is like a lens with a certain setting. Usually we remain with our unique focus, but it is known that under certain conditions one's consciousness can move through different settings. Perhaps only then can one appreciate the ranges of difference between the perceptions of theologians, scientists, and abductees. But in this rapidly changing world, exploring these different ways of sensing reality, or realities, should give us the best chance of discovering a way to survive.
Peter Vardy's ideas may be what we need to enjoy more fulfilling debates, and also a way to ward off the influence of selfish genes. But when the question of an alien presence is brought forth for public scrutiny, dare we hope that we will be more satisfied with the truth, even if it leaves us feeling mistaken or vulnerable.
References
Dawkins, Richard (1989) The Selfish Gene.
Extraterrestrials and the Vatican. (1998, Novenber-December) UFO Magazine.
Good, Timothy (1996) Beyond Top Secret: The Worldwide UFO Security Threat.
Heart of the Matter. (1999, February 14) Compass. Australian Broadcasting Commission Television.
Marrs, Jim (1997) Alien Agenda.
Peebles, Curtis. (1994) Watch the Skies.
Sagan, Carl. (1995) The Demon-Haunted World.
Strange But True. (1997, July) Independent TV, UK. (reviewed in Legg, M. (1998)
'Battle Lines', Journal of Alternative Realities, Volume 6, Issue 1, p.9).
Vardy, Peter. (1994) The Puzzle of Ethics.
Vardy, Peter. (1995) The Puzzle of God.
Vardy, Peter. (1999, January) Late Night Live. Australian Broadcasting Commission, Radio National.
Spirit Possession --A Malay Experience
By Judy Bryning
After midnight and a seafood banquet on the beach, several of us still sat around the table, animated by talk and laughter. Immersed in the sudden depth of holiday friendships were Malaysians Ghazzali and Unku from London with Pakistani friend Karim, and the only local resident, Ali from Kuala Lumpur.
Right out of our idyllic here-and-now context I was absorbed in hearing first-hand accounts of the world of theatre and fashion in London. So I didn't at first look around when Ghaz interrupted with sudden concern. Seeing one of the motel staff running to the beach, he exclaimed "She is possessed!" Possession was just a figure of speech to me, rather than its original and literal meaning. I still didn't take him seriously, but Malaysian-born Ghaz had recognised the signs instantly.
The girl who was running like a professional athlete from the fluorescent glare to the blackness of the ocean seemed unimpeded by her long nightgown. Several of the kampong (village) men were in pursuit, but had no chance of catching up with her. Luckily, before she reached the water's edge, someone managed to head her off, and she disappeared up the beach into the night. The appalling screams and howling coming from the blackness were hard to relate to the charming, intelligent eighteen-year-old girl who enjoyed our exchange language lessons in brief interludes when free from the kitchen. More extrovert than any other girl on the staff, her inquiring mind and strength of personality had impressed me at the outset.
By this time every available man from the kampong had joined in the chase.
Ma't Nur the local bomoh (village healer) was there, but it was hard to see who was who down near the water. There was much alarm that she could climb and jump from the rocks, killing herself. They explained that if she were allowed to rush into the ocean with "double power" she would swim and swim and only become conscious when the spirit left her. She would then drown from panic and exhaustion.
I had thought that the problem would be resolved within the hour. An hour and a half later, the screaming and struggling were continuing. Twice at least she was brought up to the well-lit area and laid on the sand. On one occasion her legs were bound up with a sarong. Her eyes were gleaming, but unseeing. Ghaz cautioned me not to look into them, and to move back. I took this warning very seriously indeed, having once had a very nasty experience from innocently looking into the eye of a Westerner with occult training. It took several men to hold the girl down. One man found blood down the front of his sarong, but no wound on anyone could be found. Next morning I saw that one young boy had little red crescent marks from her nails all over the left side of his chest.
Sometimes she would appear to calm down and said to them "Why are you holding me? I'm not going anywhere." Immediately they released her, she made a wild dash for it. The next time she was captured, the local bomoh was holding her and achieved a dramatic if temporary effect when he pressed behind her ears. As if from a strong sedative, her head dropped to one side and her body sagged. When it seemed that she was calmer, the spirit reasserted itself in a screaming snarl and convulsive kicking and writhing.
At this stage it was established from what she was saying that the possessing spirit was a hantu air laut (ocean spirit). "I don't belong here – I live there", she had claimed, pointing to the sea. The second bomoh to try his abilities was a dark, wizened little man. He sat on his haunches, right arm extended in a rigid gesture. This had no apparent effect, as he was also equipped to deal only with land spirits.
Someone went by motor bike to another kampong to bring back an older woman bomoh who could handle sea spirits. The proceedings then continued in a room at the back of the restaurant. A little while later we heard that the girl was responding to treatment. The screaming and superhuman strength of this tiny eighteen year old had lasted two hours. Actually it had started well before midnight, when she was depressed and crying in her room.
At about three in the morning the crisis was over, and we could get some sleep. Next day Ghaz reported that when the girl came to, she had asked why there was sand all over her arms and nightdress, and in her hair. She remembered nothing of the incident. Soon after, her parents arrived to take her back to her kampong. She was very tired and bruised. "How long do you think she will be away?" I asked. "Maybe two days, maybe one week" was the reply.
She was absent only for one day, and resumed work the following day. She had been made aware of what happened, and it was accepted by all as an incident without any ominous implications. Emphatic cheerfulness in her response to my anxious enquires contained no trace of shyness over the episode. "Baik, baik" (good), she smiled with positive confidence.
As her cheerful demeanour was resumed, my perplexity began. Two days later Ghaz reported that another possession incident had occurred that morning, and it had been worse in a way. Another girl had been growling like a dog. This time it had not been a hantu air laut (sea spirit), but a hantu darat (land spirit), so the local bomoh had been able to deal with it.
These two cases recalled the contagious element in the medieval religious hysteria in convents, notably in the famous 'Devils of Loudun' episode.
However, the psychologists' explanation of hysteria seems as incomplete as the terms used by anthropologists — mana meaning supernatural or magical power, and semangat meaning vital force or spirit; labels which leave the underlying questions on possession unanswered.
On the other hand, some words do give clues to our understanding. In another originally animistic culture, that of Java, the most common terms for spirit possession are kesurupan (to forget) and ndadi which means not only to trance, but also simply to happen or to become. This illustrates the smooth transition between the unconscious trance state, and the acceptance of it as a happening, as with any event which succeeds another in the phenomenal world.
My grasp of Malay and the girl's English did not permit communication at more than a superficial level. Yet I felt her to be a much stronger personality than the other waitresses, as she approached the guests with assurance, showing interest in their nationality and occupation. Observing my efforts to learn some of the language with a small dictionary, she had taken every chance to join me in an exchange language lesson; how to ask the guests what they would like to eat or drink, etc. Pleasant efficiency characterised her attitude. Essentially she was a typical Malay girl, with all the dignity of her culture, with or without head covering.
Mr Adam, one of the staff, repeated with quiet insistence that her faith had not been strong enough, which was why the spirit had been able to enter. I could not comment on this, but her strength of mind seemed to be an obvious character trait. One incident which had drawn mild disapproval from the small village community was one which would have passed without much reaction in modern Western society. One night she had gone into the town with friends and returned rather late. The extended family/kampong lifestyle did not approve of such completely independent behaviour. I conjectured that such a strong-willed girl could possibly feel the frustration of being in an Islamic culture which allowed less social mobility to women of less sophisticated families. The safety that this restriction afforded to young kampong women was generally not resented by more conforming personalities. The stress of waiting for her school exam results could also have contributed a definite anxiety. In the West, we would call her personality type a 'free spirit'. But in the Malay language the term 'free spirit' has a precise meaning – that of a wandering hantu (ghost)! An interesting coincidence.
Here it is appropriate to quote from K. M. Endicott's book An Analysis of Malay Magic, "the most powerful essences are only vaguely defined, while the more clearly defined essences are more vulnerable to the constraint of material boundaries. Free spirits, corresponding to vague anxieties, are much more powerful than semangat, which are bound to the physical bodies from which their clear definition is largely derived." (Endicott, p.132) Vague anxieties could by this definition account for the powerful effects we had witnessed. But also the openness of an inquiring mind could have admitted an uninvited guest inadvertently. Russian-American psychic Olga Worrall, quoted in Realms of Healing by Krippner and Villoldo, states that in a true case of possession, a discarnate spirit "will occupy the body of a person who is easily influenced." Certainly this girl was unusually demonstrative and open to new
experiences. Even recalling her extravagant farewell embraces, I was unprepared for the intensity of her welcome, six months later on my return. In the interim I had sent her a photo of herself. As soon as the taxi stopped at the back of the restaurant, she rushed out and dived in on me through the open car door, hugging me wildly. There had been no return of the hantu in the intervening time. She now had a boyfriend, and seemed just as bright, confident and cheerful as before.
There is a lot to be learnt from this encounter. In any Western country, a young girl who exhibited similar violently disruptive behaviour would have been restrained by medical personnel and/or police. Committal to hospital and the administering of strong sedatives would be routine treatment. Dulled and quietened behaviour would have been the result, and a quick return to the community unlikely. The patient would not be made to feel that the episode had been acceptable, although they would certainly not be held responsible. Dismay and embarrassment would be felt in the family concerned. After return from hospital, prolonged counselling would attempt to assist reintegration with the family and the community. This Western approach to handling such a situation contrasts less favourably with the more humane kampong method. I am not suggesting that one type of treatment, developed in a certain culture, can be transferred unmodified to another, just like that.
Each culture produces the corrective mechanisms to cope with the aberrations which occur in that particular culture. So, the age-old way of the bomoh in Malaysia, called the dukun in Indonesia, both answer the psychological and spiritual needs of that culture perfectly. In our society, the disturbed behaviour just described which could appear similar, might well include an element of psychosis, or evidence some extreme degenerative condition.
But the problem is that in the West, options in treatment are not open to the individual in the initial stage. After such an episode, picking up the pieces will include the pieces which come from an iatrogenic jigsaw set, as well as the individual's own fragmented picture (iatrogenic means caused by medical treatment).
The Malay example above illustrates the problems of a syncretic religious tradition, where an overall and traditional stress is created in attempting to synthesise the indigenous forces of animism with Islam. The earlier skilful integration of this legacy with Hindu tradition and Islam was made over the centuries in Java, but even so, the resulting mix forms a precarious balancing act. This has been forced into the political arena for legitimation in the last twenty years.
Central Java being the bulwark of Javanist tradition, a centralised focus had been formed for those beliefs and that way of thinking to persist. Recently, since the colonial period, there has been politically unrestricted access to a unifying common language, Indonesian. The exclusion of all but the highest class of Indonesians from learning and using Dutch was a device to maintain control by the Dutch colonialists. The Javanese situation had the effect of reinforcing and strengthening the Javanist way of thinking of the masses. In Malaysia on the other hand the English language was freely used by everyone. Also, since the fifteenth century, Malaysia has had a far greater concentration of heterogeneous influence from Chinese and Indian communities.
Despite these differing influences on the outlook of the Malay and the Javanese, the similarity in behaviour, in a predisposition to entering trance states, shows a distinct family likeness. The economic progress of the last twenty years, together with growing Islamic fundamentalism, would have provided a similar cultural overlay for both countries. It could be argued that
modernism itself adds to the inherent stresses of a syncretic religion, or any
religion for that matter. This interpretation would probably be strongly resisted by adherents of Islam. Dr Paul Stange would contend that an "inner Islamisation" has been achieved in many instances. He warns against simplistic interpretations of the polarities of Javanism and Islam. "Each pole is continually redefined through the process of their interaction" (Stange, p.43). The stormy episode which I witnessed is more easily understood in the light of the dialectic of Islam and indigenous beliefs.
To change focus to a Western context, modern orthodox psychology seems unduly limited in its mode of dealing with aberrant social behaviour in comparison with the methods used in Malaysia and Indonesia.
Spirit possession and exorcism was the theme of a Commission convened by the then Bishop of Exeter in the United Kingdom in 1965, and an expanded version of the proceedings was published in 1987. The participating English clerics who were frequently involved with day-to-day cases of exorcism show a similar alignment with the Malays and Javanese in their recognition of paranormal manifestations of social or personal unease and spirit presence.
As an addendum to the above, it is worth noting the term used in Java, kesurupan which denotes both trance and forgetting. This implies an ancient awareness which Western cultures have either forgotten or have not considered important to emphasise in this way. From the evidence of UFO abductees, it seems that the connection between trance and complete loss of memory is not simply a socially-sanctioned form of behaviour common to a few remaining animist-based societies. Instead it may be the product of a neuro-physiological mechanism common to human kind.
There are others who are able to control and exploit the trance function which we see as a random 'ethnic' aberration. Instead of considering it as such, and treating the experiencer's account as being of doubtful credibility, researchers would do well to study the cultures where the trance phenomenon can still be seen in action, and relay their observations to those directly concerned with testing brain function for more subtle states of consciousness than we have yet been able to determine.
References
Endicott, Kirk Michael. (1970) An Analysis of Malay Magic. Oxford University Press, London. Krippner, Stanley &
Villoldo, Alberto. (1976) The Realms of Healing. Celestial Arts, California.
Perry Michael, (Editor, 1987) Deliverance: Psychic Disturbances and Occult Involvement. SPCK, The Christian Exorcism Study Group, Great Britain.
Stange, Paul. (October 1979) Configurations of Javanese Possession Experience in Religious Traditions, Vol.2, No.2, WAIT, Western Australia.
Stange, Paul. (1985) Indonesian Religious History, Asian Studies Programme, Murdoch University, Western Australia.
This article is based on one first published in the Proceedings of the Western Australian Intervarsity Barebones Symposium (1992), Postgraduate Student Association, Curtin University of Technology.







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