Wil je een videoclip bekijken en stoort het X-files-deuntje jou daarbij. Schakel het deuntje gewoon uit door in deze kolon, helemaal beneden op de 2 witte balkjes in het blauwe cirkeltje te klikken, tot een pijltje verschijnt. Veel kijk- en luisterplezier en bedankt voor jouw bezoek.
The purpose of this blog is the creation of an open, international, independent and free forum, where every UFO-researcher can publish the results of his/her research. The languagues, used for this blog, are Dutch, English and French.You can find the articles of a collegue by selecting his category. Each author stays resposable for the continue of his articles. As blogmaster I have the right to refuse an addition or an article, when it attacks other collegues or UFO-groupes.
Deze blog is opgedragen aan mijn overleden echtgenote Lucienne.
In 2012 verloor ze haar moedige strijd tegen kanker!
In 2011 startte ik deze blog, omdat ik niet mocht stoppen met mijn UFO-onderzoek.
UFO'S - MET HET LAATSTE NIEUWS OVER UFO'S BOVEN BELGIË EN IN ANDERE LANDEN...
UFO's in België en de rest van de wereld In België heb je vooral BUFON of het Belgisch UFO-Netwerk, dat zich met UFO's bezighoudt. BEZOEK DUS ZEKER VOOR ALLE OBJECTIEVE INFORMATIE ww.ufo.be.
Verder heb je ook het Belgisch-Ufo-meldpunt en Caelestia, die prachtig, doch ZEER kritisch werk leveren, ja soms zelfs héél sceptisch...
Voor Nederland kan je de mooie site www.ufowijzer.nl bezoeken van Paul Harmans. Een mooie site met veel informatie en artikels.
MUFON of het Mutual UFO Network Inc is een Amerikaanse UFO-vereniging met afdelingen in alle USA-staten en diverse landen.
MUFON's mission is the analytical and scientific investigation of the UFO- Phenomenon for the benefit of humanity...
Je kan ook hun site bekijken onder www.mufon.com.
Ze geven een maandeliiks tijdschrift uit, namelijk The MUFON UFO-Journal. Since 02/01/2013 is Pieter not only president (=voorzitter) of BUFON, but also National Director MUFON / Flanders and the Netherlands. We work together with the French MUFON Reseau MUFON/EUROP.
There Is A Very Odd Structure Deep In The Gobi Desert
There Is A Very Odd Structure Deep In The Gobi Desert
One dessert in central Asia constitutes much more than this. Not one, but two X-shaped strips of tarmac have been spotted. Could these be landing strips? They indeed appear to be made from the tarmac, which again has no place in a desert!
Do These Satellite Images Reveal China’s Area 51?
Not only are the landing strips out of place, but they appear to be communicating something – the number eight is written both on and off the tarmac. And it is not just one number eight; there are several dotted within the vicinity of the strips. Although the untrained eye cannot make sense of the array, is this some sort of hidden communication?
The question of who is communicating may be raised. After all, who would be in the middle of a desert? How would they survive? The answer is relatively simple; just beneath the landing strips is an array of several buildings.
Not only this, but the buildings seem to be of varying ages – some appear to have been scorched by fire and derelict whereas other buildings appear to be of newer construction and occupiable.
So, what can be established? There has been somebody there to construct the strips and the buildings. There has likely been a major fire which destroyed some of the buildings. However, the site was that important that newer buildings were constructed to take their place. The strips have markings on, and the vast number of figure eights strung around the area could also signify something; communication is most likely intended.
The precise length of this communication is unknown. How successful the communication was is unknown. If it is still being used today is unknown.
But why is it being kept a secret? Why has nobody admitted to building it? For flying there? Or even before seeing it?
One possible explanation is that the area houses a military base and the government do not want you to know. If it is merely this legitimate then why all the secrets? What exactly are the government trying to conceal?
Is this an alien testing facility? Is this where Malaysian Airlines Flight MH370 ended up? Just what activities are going on here?
Locals could hold the answer – the site is only 5 kilometers away from the closest town. But how likely are they to speak? Are they in on this secret too? Why haven’t they spoken before?
This is not the only strange happening in the Gobi Desert – there is another mystical area just like those above. Not only does the second structure contain landing strips and buildings but also actual aircraft. The buildings are set to surround the aircraft. Does this array mean something?
Again, there is also an aspect of communication – the area contains two large rectangular regions. One of the areas is seen as a solid rectangle whereas the other larger square consists of a geometric pattern. Does this pattern mean something?
It can be concluded that both of the areas stick out like a sore thumb. Both are not natural and should not be there, and both have been used for some type of aircraft. Even though no government is owning up and no locals are providing a witness, this cannot merely be swept under the rug as desert delirium. This is real.
Experts believe a 5,000 year old Neolithic site has been discovered in a field in Ireland's Boyne Valley, after a summer drought deadened the grass enough for the monument to be revealed.
U.K. archeologists are crediting a drought and a drone for the discovery of an ancient structure in Ireland, which first appeared as an outline under a parched farmer’s field.
The structure was spotted this week by drone enthusiasts recording footage over the Newgrange historic site in Boyne Valley, County Meath. The UNESCO World Heritage Site is home to several 5,000-year-old circular structures from the Neolithic era, many of which remain buried underground.
Photos from the air show the structure as a circular outline under a farmer’s field, with the ditch-and-upright architecture of a prehistoric henge, such as Stonehenge.
“Nobody knew it was there,” said archeologist Stephen Davis.
The monument was likely built around 3000 BCE along with the other structures at the site, according to Davis, who teaches at University College Dublin. He’s also been studying the site for several years.
“When it was standing, what you would’ve seen was two large rings of timber posts, and maybe a very low bank, and then this segmented ditch,” Davis said.
Ireland has been suffering through a historically hot, dry summer, which helped expose the structure where it lay hidden beneath a farmer’s tilled field.
Davis says the buried structure caused the drought-stricken plants above ground to ripen at different rates, because the earth was deeper in some places than in others. This created a green-and-brown pattern in the plants that corresponded to the buried ruins.
“The detail we’re seeing is pretty unprecedented, and it might not happen again for decades,” Davis said.
“You wouldn’t see this from the ground,” he added. “You’d only see it from the air.”
The most famous structure at Newgrange is the stone-rimmed, grass-domed mound known as Site P. The structure is centred around an ancient stone tomb, although the tomb predates the rest of the monument.
The newly-discovered monument was close to Site P.
The Newgrange UNESCO World Heritage Site in Ireland is home to several monuments, including this mound.
Newgrange is believed to be about 100 years older than Stonehenge, although the newest discovery might have been built slightly later.
What happened to the people who carved the giant heads on Easter Island? If you said, “Don’t you mean the giant statues buried up to their heads on Easter Island?” you definitely know your moai. So, what happened to the people who created the giant statues buried up to their necks on Easter Island? If you said, “They destroyed their civilization through infighting and natural resource depletion,” you need to update your Rapa Nui history. A new study used geology to determine that the Rapa Nui society was actually very cooperative and something else other than infighting caused their demise. What? Or whom?
“Ancient Rapa Nui had chiefs, priests, and guilds of workers who fished, farmed, and made the moai. There was a certain level of sociopolitical organization that was needed to carve almost a thousand statues.”
Chicago’s Field Museum of Natural History scientist Laure Dussubieux and Dale Simpson, Jr., an archaeologist from the University of Queensland, co-authored the study published this week in the Journal of Pacific Archaeology one of the study’s authors. They were part of a team which excavated four entire giant statues under the direction of Jo Anne Van Tilburg of Cotsen Institute of Archaeology, UCLA and director of the Easter Island Statue Project . During that process, they found about 1,600 stone tools called toki and were able to remove basalt stone fragments from about 20 of them. A chemical and mass spectrometer analysis of the basalt was an eye-opener to Dale Simpson, according to his interview with Phys.org.
“The majority of the toki came from one quarry complex — once the people found the quarry they liked, they stayed with it. For everyone to be using one type of stone, I believe they had to collaborate. That’s why they were so successful — they were working together.”
Living together on a small island, quarrying giant stones, carving them into giant statues and moving them to far locations … cooperation would seem to be a key to this type of society. So, if they all got along, why did they fall apart? This new discovery lends credence to the alternating theory that the arrival of Europeans and their diseases and the institution of slavery destroyed most of the Rapa Nui society. In this case, the fact that all of the tools came from one quarry could indicate that the slaves were forced to mine from one location.
What caused the disappearance of the Rapa Nui? The researchers leave that question unanswered … perhaps they still don’t know … perhaps they want to spend more time on Easter Island. Until their next study, the answer to “What happened to the people who created the giant statues buried up to their necks on Easter Island?” is “all of the above.”
Sharp-eyed conspiracy theorists claim to have spotted a secret 'military base' in the middle of the Gobi desert.
The circular formation of buildings, which has been likened to the shape of Stonehenge, was spotted between Kathmandu in Nepal and Mongolia on Google Maps.
The site has been branded 'China's Area 51' by some wayward conspiracy theorists, while others have speculated it could be a huge circular array of solar panels or a secretive military base.
The site is less than 100 miles (160km) from Jiuquan, where China's space programme headquarters and launch pads can be found, suggesting may have a military purpose.
MailOnline has contacted military experts to find out if they know the function of the structure.
This is not the first time a Google Maps satellite has photographed such structures during a sweep of the vast desert, which have subsequently sparked a number of strange theories around what they could be.
Scroll down for video
Sharp-eyed conspiracy theorists claim to have spotted a secret 'military base' in the middle of the the Gobi desert. The strange circular formation, which has been likened to the Stonehenge, was spotted between Kathmandu in Nepal and Mongolia using Google Maps
Conspiracy theorists Blake and Brett Cousins, who run the popular YouTube channel 'thirdphaseofthemoon', believe the circular site is a 'runway for extraterrestrials'.
According to the video creators, three aircrafts are clearly stationed in the middle of the circular base, with trucks and control towers also stationed around the site.
'Three airlines within the circular formation of rocks and buildings, I'm not entirely sure what I'm looking at,' the Cousins brothers wrote. 'It almost looks like Stonehenge from this aerial view'.
The Cousins brothers also suggested it could be 'an area 51 for China'.
Readers flooded the controversial post with their own opinions about exactly what caused the formation.
'Maybe it's a huge solar panel for under ground living,' wrote YouTube user 'Jolene N'.
A user called 'Steve' said that it 'looks like a old military base'.
'Stop with the hype, it's a test rang for reconnaissance aircraft, their cameras and targeting equipment,' wrote another YouTube user who comments under the name 'joshreynolds72'. (sic)
WHAT MAKES SOMEONE BELIEVE IN CONSPIRACY THEORIES?
Over the course of three online-based studies, researchers at the University of Kent showed strong links between the belief in conspiracy theories and certain psychological traits.
Narcissism and self-esteem levels have a large impact on a persons belief in conspiracy theories.
The results showed that people who rated highly on the narcissism scale and who had low self-esteem were more likely to be conspiracy believers.
However, while low self-esteem, narcissism and belief in conspiracies are strongly linked, it is not clear that one - or a combination - causes the other.
But it hints at an interesting new angle to the world of conspiracy and those who reinforce belief.
There are widely believed to be three main reasons as to why people believe in conspiracy theories.
The desire for understanding and certainty - Seeking explanations for events is a natural human desire.
The desire for control and security - Conspiracy theories can give their believers a sense of control and security.
The desire to maintain a positive self-image - People who feel socially marginalised are more likely to believe in conspiracy theories and it gives them a sense of worth in the UFO community.
These three things tie in with the previously stated qualities and combine to create an avid conspiracy theorist. This is not the first time strange formations have been spotted in the Gobi desert.
Previously, a set of strange shapes were spotted in a similar area on the borders of Gansu province and Xinjiang in northwestern China.
The internet was buzzing with theories about what their purpose was, with suggestions ranging from giant QR readers to practise targets for military satellites.
Unidentified: One bizarre structure (pictured) was spotted by a Google Maps satellite on the borders of Gansu province and Xinjiang. The internet was buzzing with theories about what their purpose was, with suggestions ranging from giant QR readers to practise targets for military satellites
Some internet users have been trying to overlay one of the strange structures on to various U.S. city maps, worried that there may be a sinister military purpose behind them.
Others have pointed out that if China wanted to attack a US city, it doesn't need a practise map in the desert.
It is also difficult to tell what the structures are made of – whether they are painted on or dug into the landscape.
Speculation: Some internet users have been overlaying the strange structures over maps of US cities while a closer view shows burnt out vehicles (right) which have raised questions about whether the desert has been used for military purposes
Close-up: Experts say that the most likely explanation is that the clearest of the symbols are used as 'calibration' for spy satellites - a common practice for superpowers such as China
There is a hole in the Sphinx's head and it is now covered up
There is a hole in the Sphinx's head and it is now covered up
Did you know there is something like a submarine hatch at the top of the Sphinx?
Overhead filming is forbidden on the Giza Plateau but there are a few channels on YouTube with drone footage. Here is one showing the hatch in high resolution:
But it's more than that. Zahi Hawass has been in the chambers in and under the Sphinx, released a video on it, found a Sarcophagus, and then never spoke about it again.
The chambers and tunnels under the Sphinx point to a very real 'Hall of Records'.
Many of these tunnels were originally shown and then never brought up again by Zahi Hawass, the 'gatekeeper' of mainstream Egyptology.
The researcher Robert Schoch has seismic data indicating there is a chamber underneath the paws of the Sphinx.
There is a tunnel leading from the Sphinx to the Great Pyramid. There is a man-made space that Edgar Cayce predicted under the Sphinx's right paw. Caycee said in that space, the civilization before Egyptians left records about humanities past for future generations, these people would have migrated from Atlantis.
The weathering on the side of the sphinx is from water erosion. That would date it is from 12,000 years ago.
It makes you wonder sometimes why they are so adamant for telling that the Sphinx is exactly 4,500 years old when they have nothing to back it up.
the fact remains that there are underground chambers beneath the Sphinx. They may lead in all sorts of direction but it's obvious that the original Pyramid builders would want some entryway into the Pyramid and supposedly they hid a passage underneath the older structure of the Sphinx.
They're hiding our true history from us. Initially, it didn't seem to make much sense as to why they would do this but after some careful thought, it has to do with controlling humanities foundational mythos in such a way that the government is perceived as being the foundation of society, in both the historical and creationary sense.
This naturally programs a certain level of allegiance into people that wouldn't be there if we were taught the true extent of our history.
In the Pacific Ocean, an island can be found that has an unusual tribute left by the earlier dweller. The statues of creatures that look out of this world. Is this an embodiment of alien visitors from the ancient time?
Positively, the original meaning of a great deal of ancient artistry has been beaten by time. It began as a hypothetical depiction in the mind of an ancient craftsman might be treated as an actual portrayal of an actual historical event to this day.
A perfect example for this case are the statues of Temehea Tohua in the island of Nuku Hiva of the Marquesas Archipelago in French Polynesia. At first look, there is a strong similarity between the carvings in the stones and the modern descriptions of aliens.
The statues were found when the Europeans entered the Marquesas during the final decade of the 16th century but the islands were believed to have been occupied by the Polynesians before 100 AD. Interestingly, the island is dubbed "Te Fenua 'Enata" in the South Marquesan dialect meaning "The land of men." Perhaps as Alien creations?
A few of the ancient statues on the Nuku Hiva island has a striking similarity to alien beings, which makes it possible that a point in time, the inhabitant of the islands met these aliens face to face.
Could this bizarre art be just a misrepresentation of an artist's imagination? Did they serve any ceremonial purpose? Could they be a memento that is carved in stone of an occurrence involving ancient aliens from another planet?
Some of the chunks show beings with excessively large and elongated heads, gaping mouth and wide eyes. Other carvings show creatures with an odd mix of human and alien features. Some analysts think that the statues depict 2 alien race, the Reptilians, and the Greys
Though they seem not to be like the modern descriptions of these species.
The reptilians or the lizard people are from the constellation of Draco are always in a number of conspiracy theories. They are described to be evil and deceiving, this alien race is told to be ruling the mankind from the shadows. Did they plummet upon the Marquesas Island thousands of years ago, dominating the ignorant islander into adoring them as gods?
Such hypothesis doesn't look too far off if we examine the big amount of water around the islands. From an alien's perspective, this is perhaps the best place to hide a ship while also examining the human samples on the neighboring islands.
Reports of the Greys describe them to be 3 to 4 feet tall humanoid with big heads and large elliptic eyes. Some of the carvings and statues on the island fit this description very well.
Could these stone carvings be nothing but "Tikis' that belonged to the Polynesian culture or is there some hidden truth on them? One thing looks clear that the beings they are depicting don't look human at all.
There are plenty of giant pyramids in Egypt, but there’s only one Great Sphinx of Giza … or anywhere else for that matter. While there have been rumors of a second Sphinx buried near the Great One, possibly facing in the traditional opposite direction as seen in statues or depictions of smaller sphinxes, none have ever been found to match the size of the original. Now, the Ministry of Antiquities has announced that a second giant sphinx was accidentally discovered by workers digging a road and, while it hasn’t been removed from the ground, there’s enough showing to confirm its existence and potential greatness.
While the discovery was heralded by Egypt Today and other media sites and Minister of Antiquities Khaled al-Anani is encouraging tourists to come and see it, not much is known about this sphinx and few pictures seem to be available. As with the recent giant sarcophagus filled with sewage water discovery, Egypt seems to be catering to tourism over archeology.
Would the Ministry be disappointed if the new sphinx looked like this one?
What we do know is that the sphinx was discovered on Al Kabbash Road by workers on the Al Kabbash Project, whose goal is to connect the Luxor Temple with the Karnak Temple by the end of 2018, allowing tourists easier and quicker access to both while facilitating electricity and water for both visitors and residents. The site is just six miles from the Valley of the Kings burial site, home of the tomb of King Tut among others. Perhaps the most exciting and unusual part of the discovery is that this sphinx is of the “classic” style like the Giant Sphinx – the head is of a lion rather than a ram or something else.
Despite the uniqueness of this sphinx and the excitement of Minister of Antiquities Khaled al-Anani and local plastic sphinx vendors, director-general of Antiquities Muhammad Abdul Aziz is slowing things down. He has stopped all road construction and is urging archeologists to proceed cautiously out of fears that the statue will crumble when exposed to new above-ground climate conditions … does anyone remember seeing the nose on the Great Sphinx?
Before you get too excited and plunk down your hard-earned cash on a trip to see the next big sphinx, keep in mind that the same Ministry of Antiquities which is promoting it as a tourist attraction also prohibited any photos being taken. That may be a sign this new sphinx is not the same as the old Sphinx and may not be 240 feet long, 66 feet high and date back to 2500 BCE. Sure, it could be bigger and older, but it’s probably not. There’s also a big road project being held up by its discovery – a project that’s nearly complete and can’t easily be diverted … although a roundabout with a sphinx in the middle might be an even greater tourist attraction that the Great One.
Perhaps it’s time to turn the entire country into a tourist attraction – nothing else seems to put an end to Egypt’s many other problems.
Dig Deeper: Paradigm Shifts and the Changing Face of North American Archaeology Micah Hanks August 13, 2018 FACEBOOK TWITTER GOOGLE+ The year was 1876, and Charles Conrad Abbott was not only well-known among his colleagues in the anthropological commu
Dig Deeper: Paradigm Shifts and the Changing Face of North American Archaeology
The year was 1876, and Charles Conrad Abbott was not only well-known among his colleagues in the anthropological community: he also believed he was poised to initiate a paradigm shift, as far as our ideas about the first people to arrive in North America.
Abbott, a naturalist and career surgeon from New Jersey, was one of the first anthropologists to engage in well-documented archaeological fieldwork anywhere in the Delaware Valley. He had been inspired by the controversial discoveries in France’s Somme Valley, where artifacts found in a gravel pit suggested an earlier arrival of humans in Europe than once thought; at least by several thousands of years. Abbott himself had found stone artifacts that were similar to these, produced from a gravel bed he had worked near Trenton, New Jersey. Although the insinuation here hadn’t necessarily been that there were connections to Europe, he nonetheless believed that the artifacts he had discovered might be evidence of humans in North America before the end of the last ice age.
Abbott, as depicted in Popular Science Monthly, circa 1887
It was not a popular idea at the time, and while the anthropological community didn’t overlook Abbott’s claims entirely, they were readily dismissed. Leading the charge against Abbot were famed geologist William Henry Holmes and John Wesley Powell, the director of the Smithsonian Institution’s Bureau of Ethnology. Aleš Hrdlička, who later became curator of physical anthropology at the Smithsonian Institution National Museum of Natural History, eventually joined his colleagues in their criticism, based on three well-thought criteria he proposed at the time.
First, Hrdlička argued, Abbot’s discoveries failed to provide indisputable evidence of human remains, or human-made artifacts (Holmes had suggested that Abbot’s “artifacts” were actually natural formations instead). Hrdlička further argued that no stratigraphic sequence was discernible at the place of Abbot’s discovery, which reliably told their age. Finally, as with the discoveries at the Somme Valley, plant or animal remains must be found alongside any proposed artifacts to help indicate the era from which they hailed; Abbot’s discoveries met none of these criteria.
At the time they were proposed by Hrdlička, they weren’t bad rules for anthropologists to follow. All of these things helped provide important information about the temporal and spatial relationships between any proposed artifacts, the people who made them, and the era in which they were created. So it wasn’t unreasonable for Hrdlička and his colleagues to offer critiques of discoveries by the likes of Abbot. The lacking evidence for claims of “Glacial Man” in the Americas had further fueled the notion at that time that Humans had not existed on the North American continent much longer than 3000 years.
As time has shown, the problem had been that the status quo that these men upheld had been right in principle, based on the criteria they had established, but factually wrong based on information they simply hadn’t managed to find yet. While Abbot’s discoveries may not have been reliable proof for the idea he espoused, better examples that would challenge the existing archaeological paradigms would soon follow.
Enter Folsom, New Mexico, and the discoveries made there by an African American cowboy named George McJunkin in 1908. McJunkin found not only whitewashed bones of megafaunal bison protruding from a bank near Wild Horse Arroyo, but also flint clippings that were consistent with ancient human stone tool manufacture. It wasn’t until 1926 that these discoveries came to the attention Jesse Figgins at the Museum of Natural History, but the ensuing excavations at Folsom clearly established the presence of humans that hunted megafauna in North America at least 9000 years ago, possibly even earlier.
It wasn’t long before similar discoveries made by James Whiteman, a boy of Native American heritage attending college and studying archaeology in New Mexico, found what he called “Warheads” at Black Water Draw near Clovis. Like Folsom had done just a few years beforehand, discoveries at Clovis pushed back the timescales on human occupation of the Americas even further, to as much as 13,000 years.
During the early part of the Twentieth Century, archaeology was still fairly new in North America, and the lack of both resources and manpower often slowed the pace of what otherwise might have been a continuing boom in such archaeological discoveries. More Clovis sites would turn up over the ensuing decades, and on occasion, certain archaeological sites would also produce curiosities: things which didn’t seem to fit the known “paradigm,” and could possibly suggest even earlier heritage for America’s first inhabitants.
Such ideas were no more popular by the 1970s than they had been for men like Charles Abbot a century earlier, and were met with the same customary resistance that past generations of American antiquarians had once seen. Even when reliable radiocarbon dating at sites like Monte Verde, Chile, and Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Pennsylvania began to shatter the widely accepted “Clovis First” paradigm, many in American archaeology were still resistant to the idea of change.
Meadowcroft Rockshelter in Washington County, Pennsylvannia
(photo by the author)
With the arrival of the new millennium, the evidence for “Pre-Clovis” was nearly impossible to ignore, and now it is widely accepted that people were indeed here earlier than 13,000 years ago. Recent discoveries at locales like the Gault site in Texas have continued to push the existing timescales back to arrivals in North America by people at least 16,000 years ago, although there are cultural remains that are now turning up in reliably-dated strata as old as 21,000 years.
The aforementioned dates that were determined in relation to artifacts from the Gault site would have seemed impossible only a few years ago. However, the accumulation of evidence is now showing us that people were in the Americas much earlier than previously thought, and seemingly by several thousands of years. Nonetheless, as with many similar “paradigm shifts” that have occurred over the last century or so, today there appear to be limitations to how far modern archaeologists are willing to go with their reconsiderations about the past.
The Topper site in Allendale County, South Carolina is one such site which, despite reliable archaeology that has been done there over the years, has been treated cautiously by the archaeological community. In the video below, my own visit to the Topper site in early 2018 is documented; in it, my colleagues and I were joined by Dr. Albert Goodyear, who led the excavations there over several seasons that produced discoveries that, in our opinion, are truly remarkable in the context of modern archaeology: possible evidence for people in North America between 25,000 and 50,000 years ago.
These discoveries may seem dubious, if not impossible in the context of modern archaeology… perhaps even when giving consideration to the recent discoveries at Gault (at least for the most skeptical among us). Granted, less than a century ago it would also have seemed unlikely that humans were in North America before the end of the last ice age, and only in the last two decades has the broader archaeological community finally warmed up to the reality that there were people here before Clovis. Now, sites like Gault in Texas are showing us that digging deeper often does reveal evidence of much earlier habitation than once believed.
Perhaps it’s time we acknowledge that having a mindset to “dig deeper” would have yielded such results much sooner, had people been doing like Albert Goodyear was already doing as far back as the 1990s. As I noted in 2016 about media coverage of the Topper Site, archaeologist Michael Collins with the University of Texas at Austin told CNN in 2004 that, “[Goodyear] has a very old geologic formation, but I can’t agree with his interpretation of those stones being man-made.” Collins is now a Research Professor at Texas State University in San Marcos and Chairman of the Gault School of Archaeological Research and co-authored the recent paper in Science Advances which detailed the 16,000 to 21,000-year-old discoveries in Texas.
Obviously, there would have to be an eventual boundary beyond which any similar “paradigm shifting” discoveries could be made in American archaeology. However, history has already shown that the tendency to place caps on the earliest arrivals in the Ancient Americas has been premature in every instance. Every attempt to set boundaries for how far back we can push the timetables on early human occupations has been met with new, even earlier discoveries, which challenge our attitudes about who was here, and how long ago they arrived.
Until we can reliably establish when the very earliest arrivals in the New World occurred, it might be best for the anthropological community to adopt a new, and resoundingly simple mantra for future field work: Dig Deeper!
36,400 BC: The Historical time of the Zep Tepi Theory
Many conjectures have been made concerning the monumental complex of Giza. Some of these fall within the theories of the so called “independent school of Egyptology”, of which they constitute a great part. It is undeniable that “academic” Egyptology has greatly contributed to our knowledge of a unique and incomparable civilization, incredibly developed socially, artistically and scientifically. Unfortunately, academic Egyptologists have also persisted in misattributing some archaeological finds to Dynastic Egyptians, which I believe have little to do with that civilization. This has created confusion among researchers and has affected our comprehension of the prehistory of Egypt.
In the last 20 years, one of the most outstanding theories, in scientific terms, is that proposed by Robert Bauval, known as The Orion Correlation Theory. He proposed a correlation between the major pyramids of Giza and the three largest stars forming the Belt of Orion. Particularly, he suggested that a perfect alignment between the former and the latter occurred in the year 10,450 BC.
As a result of this, a fervid debate among scholars originated, which has long slowed, and at times even impeded, objective analysis of the pyramid complex.
Ahmed Osman, Armando Mei, Robert Bauval and John Major Jenkins.
International Conference on Ancient Study, Zayed Univesity, Dubai. Photo Credit: Armando Mei
Still mysteries remain, for example, the dispute over the “Zep Tepi” (‘First Time’ or Golden Era). While academics agree to confine its purpose to mythology, I believe that their position conflicts with the long lists of sovereigns found so accurately transcribed in Egyptian documents and temples. I do not believe that the First Time is a myth, as it is regarded by some researchers. I assume that the Zep Tepi was an historical time of prosperity. In my opinion, all major monuments of Giza were built before the Dynastic Age to celebrate the Age of Osiris rule. But, when were the monuments of Giza built?
Astronomical Configuration & the Zep Tepi
I studied the astronomical configuration of the sky above Giza in the remote past. First of all, I analyzed the astronomical configuration concerning the sky above Giza in the year 10,450 BC (Bauval’s Theory).
Bauval’s Orion Correlation Theory – Vernal Equinox 10,500 BC. Al Nitak is not on the Meridian and not connected to the Great Pyramid. Sirius is under the Horizon. Planets have not a symbolic arrangement.
At the dawn of the vernal equinox, the Constellation of Lion is right on the ecliptic, while the Constellation of Orion is on the Meridian. Remarkable is the position of Mintaka, because this star lies on the Meridian while Alnitak has moved toward the south-east. In my opinion, this is not the right configuration, because I would expect to find Alnitak (the correspondent of the Great Pyramid, the most important monument of Giza) on the Meridian and not the pyramid of Mycerinus, the smaller pyramid of Giza. Any other astronomical object, close to the monuments of Giza, were in the Sky at that time.
The Age of the Zep Tepi
In the following table, what is most striking is the configuration of the sky above Giza in the year 36,420 BC. At the dawn of the vernal equinox, at an entire astronomical precessional cycle before 10,450 BC, all monuments of Giza were perfectly aligned with the constellations as follows:
The Sky above Giza at Vernal Equinox in the year 36,400 BC: my proposal on Historical Golden Age of the Zep Tepi (processing by Armando Mei)
At the dawn of the vernal equinox.
The Lion constellation and Sphinx are closely connected to the East. The Orion constellation is on the Celestial Meridian, exactly above the Pyramids. Most importantly, it’s a perfect connection between Al Nitak – the largest Star of the Belt of Orion – and the Great Pyramid , the biggest monument in the Giza Plateau. The connection occurred only in this astronomical configuration and in no one astronomical alignment ever proposed by experts, from 2,000 AD to 100,000 BC.
As Al Nitak cuts the Celestial Meridian, so the Great Pyramid lies in the center of emerged lands, the main meridian and parallel intersection, or rather at the distance of 1/3 between the Equator and North Pole, symbolizing the “natural zero” for longitude.
Moreover, there are many astronomical guidelines proving the concept of the Beginning of a New Age. First of all, the planets positions. They are positioned in the south-east hemisphere, as though following the rising Sun through its movement along the ecliptic. In particular, the Moon is a New Moon, and it’s positioned just below the celestial horizon, ready to follow the Sun’s movement towards the light.
The seven planets are positioned along the ecliptic in a perfect row, fixing the beginning of the New Era. Just below the ecliptic, the New Moon gives way to Sunrise - the rebirth of the New Light - that will flood the Land of Egypt, bringing lifeblood for new crops. In a few moments, the Moon will follow the god Sun-Ra, through its astronomical move; while all courtiers-planets, waiting for him, will be darkened by its vitality.
In its rising path, the Sun-Ra will have its first stop at the foot of the Lion Constellation-Sphinx, where it will meet Jupiter-Temple of Valley; Jupiter symbolizes the Father of the Gods, and it’s an expressive symbol of Justice.
Giza 36,400 BC - Lion Constellation meets Mercury and Jupiter – Two mysterious temples have planets proportional values (processing by Armando Mei)
Sun-Ra then meets Mercury-Temple of the Sphinx, the Messenger of the Gods, ready to accomplish its function: give forth the Beginning of the Zep Tepi.
The arrangement of two planets, in conjunction with the star Regulus, has an amazing meaning. If we take a look at the Sphinx, there are two temples at its feet; the buildings, characterized by colossal and mysterious columns, were built at the same time as the Pyramids and represent Jupiter and Mercury.
In his climbing path, that will lead it to the Zenith, Sun-Ra meets Venus, symbolizing Love, Passion and Beauty. The planet is located in the south-east quadrant, almost half way from the Zenith. It is not an accidental position, and also it is the astronomical connection that gave birth to the original symbolic meaning of “unity of Opposite. An "astronomical wedding" takes place between different cosmic objects - a planet and a star – before walking together to the sunset.
Lastly, the Sun meets Mars, the red planet, symbolizing Power. It is time to establish the Rule over the Universe, sitting on the throne of the Sky, so as for Osiris when he ruled over the Land of Egypt, starting the Age of the Zep Tepi.
Now, the Sun-Ra is at the Zenith. Everything has been accomplished according to the Laws of Astronomy. Passing the Zenith, the Sun-Ra goes through the ecliptic, in the south-west quadrant, where Saturn is waiting.
Observing the astronomical map, a curious detail strikes: all planets, whose names are associated with the days of the week, are on the ecliptic. It is very intriguing to note that the planet of rest, Saturn-Saturday, is located exactly in the south-west quadrant, the place of death for Ancient Egyptians. The disposition of Saturn is very fascinating. In Hebrew traditions, they consider Saturday as the day of rest, dedicating it for celebrating the Lord. It means that Hebrew Traditions could have been influenced by memories of Zep Tepi.
Isis-Sirus & the Zep Tepi
Ancient Texts of Pyramids told us about connections between the Star Sirius and the Goddess Isis. She played a great role after the death of Osiris, at the climax of the Zep Tepi. So, when Giza was projected, the builders gave her a key role; they built a monument to celebrate the goddess who preserved Egypt. The monument is located south-east of the Sphinx, known as the Tomb of Khentkhaus.
As I explain in my book “The Gods Secret”, three clues prove my purpose:
1) a correct interpretation of the Inventory Stele;
2) Star Sirius position in the sky above Giza in the year 36,400 BC.
3) proportional connections between physical values of the Star and dimensions of the Monument.
Correct interpretation of Inventory Stele hieroglyphs is essential to explain where her monument was built.
Abstract from Inventory Stele.
Credit: Armando Mei)
The academic interpretation of the inscription is is:
“He [Cheops] found that the temple of Isis, lady of the pyramid, was near the temple of the Sphinx (…)”
A correct interpretation of the hieroglyphs gives the following translation:
“He [Cheops] found that the temple of Isis was beside the pyramid near the temple of the Sphinx (...)”
The hieroglyph, shown below, is the key to the mystery. Academics have misunderstood the meaning of the phrase. The hieroglyph comes into the sentence twice... first, it means "beside", and second it means "near". Egyptologists have translated it only once, making a remarkable mistake in translation..
So, according to the Inventory Stele there is a monument beside the Pyramid near the Sphinx. But where? Take a look at the Astronomical Map. Sirius is just above the horizon between the Lion and Orion constellations.
Lost Tomb of Khentkhaus is the correspondent of the Star Sirius (processing by Armando Mei)
The Tomb of Khentkhaus has the following property:
The lower part was built at the same time as the Pyramids and Sphinx;
The lower part of the tomb has water erosion so to as the Sphinx;
Its base is entirely carved in the rock and has a spiral shape. Its transposition on a plane surface is equal to the orbital movement of Sirius;
Khentkhaus’ tomb proportions are very close to some Sirius physical parameters, for example: Tomb height is 10mt.; in Egyptian cubits is: 22.37. Sirius brightness is 22.40. (Difference -0,03); Area of the Tomb is: 2083.9 square meters. Sirius Mass is 1/1000 of this value: 2,15 (Difference -0,067); Tomb Perimeter is: 182.6 mt. Sirius Radius is 1/100 of this value: 1.88 (Difference -0.054);.
Sirius Angular Separation from East is: 67°59’22”; Khentkhaus Tomb position from East is: 67°32’00”, a difference of 0°27’22”.
In conclusion, the lower part of the Khentkhaus tomb is the Ancient Throne of Isis!
That’s the hermetic message that the Lost Civilization of Giza wanted to convey. In the Age of Lion, preceding the perfect alignment that Bauval suggested, an extraordinary event took place. This event marked the climax of an amazingly developed civilization, that managed to colonize emerged lands and whose fingerprints have resisted the passing of time, but who wished to leave a record of their presence on Earth.
A second buried Sphinx has just been discovered in Egypt
A second buried Sphinx has just been discovered in Egypt
An infrastructure project in Egypt has come to a halt after workers doing construction on a road came across a second ancient Egyptian Sphinx.
Statue Has a Human Body with Lions Head
Mohamed Abel Aziz, the Director General of Antiquities, said the construction workers had come across a statue of a "lion’s body with a human head". However, due to the nature of the environment in which the statue was found, it is yet to be evacuated above the ground, so it remains in the ground. Khaled al Anani, the national heritage chief said that people are more welcome to visit the region where the sphinx was found.
The complex of Luxor and Karnak temples are in the ancient city of Thebes. The temples are from 1400 BCE. Excavations of the Luxor temple began in 1884 when archaeologists found many discoveries said to be significant. The excavation of the site continued until 1960.
Ancient Egyptians Regard the Sphinx as Symbol of Royalty
The ancient Egyptians thought the Sphinx to be a symbol of royalty. They said pharaohs of the time would have their heads carved into stone then placed on their tombs. This was said to be as a way of marking relationships with Sekhmet, the solar deity, which was a lioness. The most famous along with most visited of all sphinx is the one at Giza, close to the Great Pyramids.
Giza Sphinx May Be Entry to a Hidden Labyrinth of Tunnels
People have always been fascinated by the pyramids, along with the Sphinx of Egypt. In late 2017, historians made the claim that the Sphinx in Giza might conceal an entrance to a secret underground city. Many believe it sits on top of a labyrinth of tunnels along with passages leading to a huge underground metropolis, which the authorities in Egypt have covered up.
What causes civilizations to collapse? Surely, it has to be something as monumental and awe inspiring as the civilization itself: the arrival of a strange alien invading force from beyond the ocean, mass outbreak of disease, the turning of the cosmic clock signaling the changing of the ages. Maybe sometimes. Sometimes, however, it’s a lot more mundane, banal, and terrifying in its own right. That seems to be the case with the collapse of the Mayan empire, the mysterious and often misunderstood empire that dominated the Yucatan peninsula for thousands of years. According to a paper published in the journal Science, scientists say they’ve finally been able to measure and quantify one of the main factors in the slow decline of the mysterious classical Mayan civilization: just not enough water.
The first Maya villages formed around 2,000 BCE, from there a massive and singular empire grew for the next 2,800 years. The Maya developed their own hieroglyphic system, calendars, and astronomical measurement systems. They built pyramidsand developed a time-keeping system not just for their growing seasons but for the passing of whole ages. Remember that part about the Mayas being misunderstood? Exhibit A is a film you might remember called 2012 (starring John Cusack). The Maya reached the height of their power between 600 and 800 CE. Huge city-states filled with pyramids and temples sat flourishing in the middle of the jungle, with populations between 50,000 and 120,000 and a political climate akin to classical Greece or renaissance Italy. It was a true force of civilization. Then, around 800 CE, something happened. The next 150 to 200 years saw the Mayas disperse from their city-states and a quick crumbling of an Mesoamerican empire. To be perfectly clear, this did not end Mayan civilization, the same way that the collapse of the Roman empire didn’t end Roman civilization, but it did mark the end of an era and a point of no return for the opulence and power of the classical Mayan civilization.
Severe drought has long been held as a probable cause of the Mayan collapse, but it’s only now that scientists have been able to measure how severe that drought was. The paper, titled Quantification of drought during the collapse of the classic Maya civilization details how, by looking at the water isotopes in the gypsum—a mineral found in lake beds and other water sources—in Lake Chichancanab, Mexico, researchers were able to track the course of the long drought and plot it against the period of rapid decline in Maya power during what is known as the Terminal Classic period of the Mayan empire.
Gypsum forms in lake and river beds and water in incorporated directly into the structure of the mineral. In periods of drought, the lighter water isotopes evaporate faster, leaving the heavier water isotopes behind. By measuring which isotopes of water are left behind in a source of gypsum, it’s possible to calculate the rate of evaporation and annual rainfall from a given period. Looking at the gypsum from 800-950 CE, the Terminal Classic period, scientists say that Mayas experienced a 41-54% decrease in rainfall during those years, with periods of up to 70% reduced rainfall. This, they say, was a key factor in the collapse of the Mayan empire.
We take fresh water for granted. Half the average rainfall over the course of a century is all it can take to dramatically change a society. Sure, we have have water purification and reclamation technology now. We’re in a totally different technological era than they Mayas, it’s true. It’s just something to think about.
Let’s see … there’s the Great Pyramid of Giza, the Colossus of Rhodes, the Hanging Gardens of Babylon … Sloth, Greed, Dopey and Sneezy?
The Seven Wonders of the World (see the list here) were eventually called the Seven Wonders of the Ancient World as people began to create new lists that their favorite wonders, both manmade and natural, might fit in. Those left off competed for the title of Eight Wonder of the World. One such natural wonder candidate was the Pink and White Terraces of New Zealand — Te Otukapuarangi (“The fountain of the clouded sky”) and Te Tarata (“The tattooed rock”) – which were considered to be the largest silica sinter deposits on earth until they were completely destroyed in the 1886 eruption of Mount Tarawera.
Does that eliminate them from the competition?
“The Pink and White Terraces were, at the time, unique natural manifestations of hydrothermal activity that impressed many visitors who travelled to the shores of Lake Rotomahana, prior to their inferred demise on 10 June 1886.”
Charles Blomfield’s “Pink Terraces”
A new study published in the Journal of the Royal Society of New Zealand reveals that the answer may be “yes and no.” Prior to the eruption of Mount Tarawera, the silica sinter of the natural terraces leading down to the shore of Lake Rotomahana caught the sunlight and was said to cause them to glow in brilliant white and dazzling pink. Unfortunately, the colors were only able to be captured in paintings, the most famous being Charles Blomfield’s Pink Terraces.
Shortly after midnight on June 10, 1886, earthquakes shook the area, portending the eruptions of Mount Tarawera beginning two hours later. By the time it was over, the surrounding landscape and lakes had been changed permanently and the Pink and White Terraces, just 10 km (6.2 miles) from the eruption appeared to have been destroyed and lost forever in the crater that eventually became a part of the new Lake Rotomahana.
Recent expeditions beginning in 2011 claimed to have found remains of the terraces on the floor of Lake Rotomahana, but revised studies based on underwater photographs determined they were destroyed or not there, a theory promoted by different researchers who claimed that the remains of the terraces were actually buried less than 15 meters deep along the lake’s shore. That theory was disproved by the latest study.
Historical photo of the Pink Terraces
Researchers, led by study author Cornel de Ronde, a research geologist at GNS Science in New Zealand, used historical photographs, maps, an 1859 survey, side-scan sonar, seismic surveys and other new technologies to chart the lake floor and prove the theory that the remains of part of the Pink Terraces are on the bottom of the lake.
“To conclude, it is the combination of numerous lines of scientific investigation, when paired with historical evidence and a quantitative analytical approach, that has enabled a holistic assessment of the available evidence resulting in accurate positions for the location of the Pink and White Terraces.”
Does this put the Pink and White Terraces back in the running for Eight Wonder of the World? Possibly, although the chance of any photographs of them seem pretty slim because of the depth they’re buried at and local Maori restrictions.
Which brings up the mystery of the phantom canoe. A Maori legend tells of a tourist boat returning from the Terraces just days before the eruption that saw what appeared to be a war canoe approaching their boat, then disappearing in the mist. One of the many witnesses was a local Maori clergyman. There were no records of the boat and one legend is that a fissure freed a canoe from the lake bottom that had been used for the funeral of a dead chief … a possible warning of the eruption. And future eruptions?
Local legends die hard. Will the chief have anything to say about the confirmation of the terraces?
Etched into the high desert of southern Peru more than a millennium ago, the enigmatic Nasca lines continue to capture our imagination. More than a thousand of these geoglyphs (literally, 'ground drawings') sprawl across the sandy soil of Nasca province, the remains of little-understood ritual practicesthat may have been connected to life-giving rain.
Now, Peruvian archaeologists armed with drones have discovered more than 50 new examples of these mysterious desert monuments in adjacent Palpa province, traced onto the earth's surface in lines almost too fine to see with the human eye. In addition, archaeologists surveyed locally known geoglyphs with drones for the first time—mapping them in never-before-seen detail.
Some of the newfound lines belong to the Nasca culture, which held sway in the area from 200 to 700 A.D. However, archaeologists suspect that the earlier Paracas and Topará cultures carved many of the newfound images between 500 B.C. and 200 A.D.
Unlike the iconic Nasca lines—most of which are only visible from overhead—the older Paracas glyphs were laid down on hillsides, making them visible to villages below. The two cultures also pursued different artistic subjects: Nasca lines most often consist of lines or polygons, but many of the newfound Paracas figures depict humans.
“Most of these figures are warriors,” says Peruvian archaeologist Luis Jaime Castillo Butters, the new glyphs' co-discoverer. “These ones could be spotted from a certain distance, so people had seen them, but over time, they were completely erased.”
A View From the Sky and Space
The new geoglyphs add crucial data on the Paracas culture, as well as the mysterious Topará culture, which marked the transition between the Paracas and the Nasca. Centuries before the famous Nasca lines were made, people in the region were experimenting with making massive geoglyphs.
“This means that it is a tradition of over a thousand years that precedes the famous geoglyphs of the Nasca culture, which opens the door to new hypotheses about its function and meaning,” says Peruvian Ministry of Culture archaeologist Johny Isla, the Nasca lines' chief restorer and protector.
Ironically, the discovery of the new geoglyphs was only made possible because of threats to previously known Nasca lines.
Isla's work is extraordinarily difficult, and made even harder by spotty maps. Of the estimated 100,000 archaeological sites in Peru, Isla's colleague Castillo says only about 5,000 have been properly documented on the ground. Even fewer have been mapped from the air.
Castillo, a professor at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru and the country's former vice-minister of cultural heritage, has long championed using drones and other aerial mapping techniques to catalog archaeological sites. Now, Isla and Castillo have much more data to work with, thanks to National Geographic Explorer and “space archaeologist” Sarah Parcak.
“When we were thinking about countries to go to ... it had to be a country that everyone in the world would know is important, where the Ministry of Culture would be open to new technology, and where most of the sites would be out in the open and fairly easy to detect,” says Parcak, an archaeologist at the University of Alabama at Birmingham. “Peru definitely fit the bill.”
Hiding in Plain Sight
Once GlobalXplorer volunteers flagged potential targets in the satellite data that may be potential archaeological sites or instances of looting, Parcak then turned the target locations over to Peruvian archaeologists. With the support of the Sustainable Preservation Initiative, Castillo and three of his students embarked on a ground-truthing expedition funded by the National Geographic Society.
When Castillo's team visited Nasca and Palpa provinces in December 2017, they didn’t find much evidence of fresh looting at the GlobalXplorer candidate targets. Instead, they found decades-old looting sites and encroachment fueled by the region's booming illegal gold mines.
But when researchers photographed the sites from overhead with drones, they found something new—and unexpected. The high-resolution images contained hints of dozens of ancient geoglyphs, carved into the desert crust.
How could so many geoglyphs hide in plain sight? Over time, many of the lines and figures have been reduced to faint depressions in the soil, visible only on 3-D scans of the terrain captured by the eagle-eye perspective provided by drones. And despite satellites' awe-inspiring surveillance power, they can’t see everything.
The most powerful satellite that GlobalXplorer uses can see a foot-wide object from 383 miles above Earth's surface. That’s the equivalent of seeing a single human hair from more than 650 feet away. But the lines that trace the newfound geoglyphs are mere inches across—too fine to spot from space.
Low-flying drones operating at altitudes of 200 feet or less, in contrast, can spot objects less than a half-inch wide. “The [drone camera] resolution is incredibly high,” says Castillo.
More to Discover, More to Protect
Now that researchers have documented the newfound lines, they're eager to protect them. The new geoglyphs fall within the UNESCO World Heritage Siteencompassing the Nasca and Palpa lines, and according to Isla, they are not under immediate threat.
However, the newfound lines have yet to be registered with the Peruvian Ministry of Culture. The lines' co-discoverer, Fabrizio Serván, a student at the Pontifical Catholic University of Peru, says that the necessary maps and drawings are currently being drafted.
Perhaps the lines will soon have company. GlobalXplorer users have flagged hundreds of new potential sites that Peruvian archaeologists will continue ground truthing this fall and winter.
“The data and information obtained with the GlobalXplorer project are extraordinary in quality and quantity, and above all in a relatively short period of time,” says Isla. “This puts us at the forefront in the registry of archaeological sites and geoglyphs in particular.”
“We give the data to local experts: This is their cultural patrimony, they're the stakeholders,” says Parcak. “We're providing a resource.”
In the future, Parcak and Castillo say that GlobalXplorer data can help protect archaeological sites from unplanned urban and rural encroachment, which, beyond looting and the occasional errant truck driver, is by far the biggest threat facing Peru's geoglyphs.
Castillo describes the ongoing encroachment as “land trafficking”: a sophisticated effort within Peru to forge deeds and build illegal housing by the acre, erasing the country's cultural heritage in the process.
“We're not fighting a looter with his shovel, running away when you're blowing a whistle; we're fighting an army of lawyers,” he says. “This is a constant battle, so the work we're doing—documenting the sites, geo-referencing—is the best protection we can give the sites.”
From above the rust-colored desert plains of Peru, a mysterious tapestry of geometric shapes and animal figures appears on the ground, etched in white.
The geoglyphs scratched into the barren ground of the Rio Grande de Nasca drainage basin are the Nasca Lines, one of archeology’s greatest mysteries. Theories of their purpose put forth over the years have included alien-constructed landing strips, a giant astronomical calendar, ceremonial pathways to the sites of sacred rituals, and markers of subterranean water sources.
The fantastic landscape—with representations of hummingbirds, spiders, monkeys, trees, trapezoids, and spirals—was created by removing rocks and the top layer of soil, colored red by oxidation, to reveal the lighter earth underneath. Thanks to the unusually dry and windless climate, the images have been incredibly well-preserved. (Related: Trucker Drives Over Mysterious Ancient Monuments)
Over the centuries, the lime-rich sub-layer of soil hardened, further protecting the designs from wind damage and preserving them for future generations. Today, the landscape represents the largest and most diverse collection of geoglyphs in the world. The site was inscribed UNESCO World Heritage in 1994 for its archeological and cultural significance.
Altogether, the designs cover more than 300 square miles and include dozens of animal and plant figures and hundreds of lines and shapes. Many of the images are so large that they can only be fully seen from above, leading some to believe that they were meant for the eyes of gods, not humans.
The geoglyphs are believed to have been created in several phases between 500 B.C. and 500 A.D. by the pre-Hispanic people living on the Peruvian south coast. The Nasca people, who predated the Incas by centuries, inhabited the area until about 700 A.D.
The images were rediscovered in the modern era after the advent of aviation, as pilots began flying over Peru in the 1930s. Since that time, a series of researchers have obsessed over the reason behind the designs, some devoting their lives to the research.
One of the earliest to intensively study the geoglyphs was American professor Paul Kosok, who theorized that the designs represented “the largest astronomy book in the world.” The view was shared by German researcher Maria Reiche, who devoted her career to the project, earning her the moniker “Lady of the Lines.”
Later researchers disputed the astronomical explanation and suggested a number of other theories. Johan Reinhard, a National Geographic Explorer-in-Residence, posited that the lines pointed the way to ritual sites, while researchers David Johnson and Don Proulx concluded that the designs were markers of an underground water system. (Related: 7 Ancient Sites Some People Think Were Built by Aliens)
New images continue to be discovered, most recently in Palpa province, where 50 new examples were uncovered in early 2018. Many of the images, which include a dancing woman and a whale, are believed to have been created by the Paracas and Topara cultures, who inhabited the land before the Nasca people.
How to visit:
There are two options for viewing the Nasca Lines: from the air or via a viewing platform adjacent to the site. Private planes are available for charter from the Nasca airport for those who want the full gods-eye view. The plane tours cost about a hundred dollars for a half-hour tour, but will certainly provide the most memorable viewing. It is recommended for those who opt for the aerial tour that they book in advance and research the safety record of the company with which they will be chartering.
For those on a budget, there is no need to skip the site. Several the geoglyphs can be seen from El Mirador, a platform situated on a hill off the Pan American Highway.
The Vimana Pushpaka—An Ancient Flying Vehicle That is Described Traveling to Space
The Vimana Pushpaka—An Ancient Flying Vehicle That is Described Traveling to Space
In Brief: “The Pushpaka Vimana that resembles the Sun and belongs to my brother was brought by the powerful Ravana; that aerial and excellent Vimana going everywhere at will … that chariot resembling a bright cloud in the sky … and the King [Rama] got in, and the excellent chariot at the command of the Raghira, rose up into the higher atmosphere.'”
Hindu mythology is filled with incredible tales, stories mythologies and most importantly written texts.
In previous articles, we covered the Mahabharata and the countless powerful weapons described in it.
In this article, we take a look at the Vimana, more specifically, the ancient Pushpaka Vimana, a powerful ancient flying vehicle described in Hindu texts and Sanskrit epics.
The Pushpaka Vimana of king Ravana (who captured the Vimana from Lord Kubera; and Rama returned it to Kubera) is the most quoted example of a vimana.
Vimanas are also mentioned in Jain texts—Jainism, an ancient Indian religion.
If we take a look at ancient Sanskrit and the etymology of the Vimana, we will find that it means “measuring out, traversing” or “having been measured out”.
Reference to the ancient Vimana can be found in the Mahabharata, which is one of the two major Sanskrit epics of ancient India:
“At Rama`s behest, the magnificent chariot rose up to a mountain of cloud with a tremendous din. Another passage reads: Bhima flew with his Vimana on an enormous ray which was as brilliant as the sun and made a noise like the thunder of a storm.
Author Monier Monier-Williams—the second Boden Professor of Sanskrit at Oxford University describes the Ancient Vimana as “a car or a chariot of the gods, any self-moving aerial car sometimes serving as a seat or throne, sometimes self-moving and carrying its occupant through the air; other descriptions make the Vimana more like a house or palace, and one kind is said to be seven stories high,” quoting the Pushpaka Vimana as one of the most worthy examples.
In modern languages, Vimana is usually translated to aircraft.
In many depictions of Vimana, we see these powerful, alleged machines, depicted as being as big as a temple.
The Vimana predecessor
In ancient Sanskrit Epics, the Vimana were the so-called flying chariots used by a number of different ancient Gods.
Various Vedic deities are described as using, flying, wheeled chariots to move from one place to another.
Some verses of ancient texts have been interpreted by different authors as evidence of ‘mechanical birds’.
In the Rigveda (an ancient Indian collection of Vedic Sanskrit hymns), for example, we find the following description:
“Dark the descent: the birds are golden-coloured; up to the heaven they fly robed in the waters. Again, descend they from the seat of Order, and all the earth is moistened with their fatness. Twelve are the fellies, and the wheel is single; three are the naves. What man hath understood it? Therein are set together spokes three hundred and sixty, which in nowise can be loosened.”
The Pushpaka Vimana is usually described as a mythological flying palace or chariot.
In the Ramayana, we find another extraordinary description of the Vimana, more specifically the Pushpaka Vimana:
“The Pushpaka Vimana that resembles the Sun and belongs to my brother was brought by the powerful Ravana; that aerial and excellent Vimana going everywhere at will … that chariot resembling a bright cloud in the sky … and the King [Rama] got in, and the excellent chariot at the command of the Raghira, rose up into the higher atmosphere.'”
The Pushpaka Vimana appears as the first flying vimana mentioned in existing Hindu texts. The powerful Pushpaka Vimana was built e by Vishwakarma for Brahma, the Hindu god of creation. This Vimana was later given by Brahma to Kubera, the God of wealth. Eventually, the Pushpaka Vimana was stolen, along with Lanka, by his half-brother, king Ravana.
Here Are 12 of the Most Powerful Ancient Weapons Mentioned in the Mahabharata
Here Are 12 of the Most Powerful Ancient Weapons Mentioned in the Mahabharata
The Mahabharata is the longest epic poem known and has been described as “the longest poem ever written.” Its most extended version is made up of over 100,000 śloka or over 200,000 individual verse lines (each shloka is a couplet), and long prose passages.
The Mahabharata contains around 1.8 million words in total, meaning that it is roughly ten times the length of the Iliad and the Odyssey combined or about four times the length of the Rāmāyaṇa.
In this article, we take a look at eleven of the most powerful weapons—astras—mentioned in this legendary epic narrative.
1. The Pashupatastra
In ancient Hindu history, the Pashupatastra was the most destructive personal weapon of Shiva, Kali and Adi Para Shakti discharged by the mind, the eyes, words, or a bow. This mighty weapon could destroy creation and vanquish all beings. In fact, many scholars agree that the Pashupatastra is, in fact, the most powerful, destructive and irresistible weapon of all other astras mentioned in Hindu mythology. The Mahabharata tells us that only Arjuna— the main central character of the ancient Indian epic Mahabharata, possessed this weapon.
2. The Brahmashirsha
This weapon is considered the evolution of the Brahmastra and it is one of my favorite weapons mentioned in the Mahabharata. The weapon was capable of summoning a shower of meteorites upon the enemy. The Mahabharata offers an excellent description of this mighty Astra:
“It blazes up with terrible flames within a huge sphere of fire. Numerous peals of thunder were heard, thousands of meteors fell and all living creatures became terrified with great dread. The entire sky seemed to be filled with noise and assumed a terrible aspect with flames of fire. The whole earth with her mountains and waters and trees trembled.”
Doesn’t that description sound kind of like what a modern-day nuclear weapon would do?
Furthermore, it is said that once the weapon is used, the area it was used upon will become destroyed, and nothing new could grow upon that land, not even a blade of grass for at least 12 years. It will not rain for 12 years in that area, and everything including metal and earth becomes poisoned.
3. The Brahmastra
The Brahamastra was the weapon of choice of Lord Brahma, who created it for Indra.
This was one of the most powerful weapons in ancient times, and its description is as close as it gets to descriptions of modern-day nuclear weapons. The Brahmastra was used to destroy inferior divine weapons or counter them. It was described as being as heavy as a mountain but could travel as fast as the wind nevertheless. The Brahmastra was painful as poison and as energetic as fire.
4. The Twashtarastra
Another weapon whose description I find overwhelming is the Twashtarastra. This weapon had the ability to confuse friend for enemies, making them turn again each other.
5. The Indraastra
The Indraastra is described as a divine weapon that transforms into many missiles capable of destroying an entire army. The Indraastra was the weapon of Indra– a Vedic deity in Hinduism. This weapon was invoked a number of times in the Mahabharata war.
One of the most powerful weapons mentioned in the Mahabharata is without a doubt the Trishula, a trident used by the god Shiva. The Trishula is used as a symbol in two of the most important religions on Earth: Hinduism and Buddhism.
According to the Mahabharata, the Trishula was used to sever the original head of Ganesha–one of the best-known and most worshipped deities in the Hindu pantheon.
7. The Sudarshana Chakra
Another extremely powerful weapon mentioned in the Mahabharata. The Sudarshana Chakra belonged to Lord Vishnu—one of the principal deities of Hinduism, and the Supreme Being in its Vaishnavism tradition.
The Sudarshana Chakra is described as a powerful, spinning disk-like weapon. Sudarshana Chakra means “disk of auspicious vision,” and features 108 serrated edges.
In the Rigveda, The Sudarshana Chakra is described as a symbol of Vishnu, and as the wheel of time. Lord Vishnu is said to have beheaded Shishupala with the Sudarshana.
8. The Vajra
Vajra is a Sanskrit word which means both thunderbolt and diamond.
The Vajra is described as a powerful weapon, usually having a shape of a club with a ribbed spherical head. The vajra is the weapon of the Vedic rain and thunder-deity Indra.
Some descriptions found in ancient texts bear eerie similarities to modern day missiles.
9. The Varunastra
Another ‘astra’ mentioned in the Mahabharata is the Varunastra. It is described as a missile, and it belonged to Varua, the ancient Hindu God of water, rain and the oceans. The weapon is said to have the ability to produce catastrophic torrents of water. It could raise powerful floods. This weapon was used to counter the Agneyastra, the weapon of choice of Agni—the God of Fire.
The Narayanastra was another weapon used by Lord Vishnu in his Narayana form. The weapon—astra—is described as firing a powerful tirade of millions of deadly missiles simultaneously. According to the Mahabharata, only Lord Krishna, Drona, and Aswathama possessed the Narayanastra.
One of the most interesting details about this weapon is that it could only be used once in a war. If anyone tried using it two times, then it would destroy the user’s own army.
11. The Agneyastra
The Agniyastra was the weapon of choice of the God of Fire—Agni. The weapon is described as a powerful device that upon detonation, is able to destroy a large area in seconds. The Mahabharata tells us it was another ancient missile weapon. The fire created by this weapon is said to have been nearly impossible to extinguish.
12. The Vasavi Shakti
It was Indra’s weapon of choice loaned for a one time use to Karna. This weapon is said to strike the target no matter what. The Vasavi Shakti is one of the most powerful weapons mentioned in the Mahabharata since it was sure to destroy its target no matter what.
They built supermassive astronomically aligned temples and incredible pyramids that rival in complexity the Pyramids in Egypt. However, by 1000AD, the mysterious disappeared, leaving experts wondering what happened to them.
For centuries, scholars have proposed many theories trying to understand what happened to one of the greatest civilizations of the American continent.
What Happened to the Mayans?
Now, researchers say they’ve solved the mystery behind why the ancient Maya disappeared without a trace.
According to experts, the Maya civilization collapsed because of extreme, and severe droughts.
Based on these measurements, the researchers found that annual precipitation decreased between 41% and 54% relative to today during the period of the Maya civilization’s collapse, with periods of up to 70% rainfall reduction during peak drought conditions, and that relative humidity declined by 2% to 7% relative to today. The results are reported in the journal Science.
By the time the Spanish arrived in the 16th century, jungle vines were flourishing on abandoned massive ancient Pyramid cities built by the Maya.
In the past, scholars have suggested that the ancient Maya may have collapsed due to invasion by foreign powers, war, disease and a collapse in trade. However, scientists from the universities of Cambridge and Florida have found strong evidence that an extended period of drought caused devastating effects on this vast civilization.
To come to their conclusion, researchers studied water samples in Lake Chichancanab where the Maya were based. Experts measured isotopes of water in gypsum, a mineral that forms in lakes during times of drought.
As gypsum is formed, water molecules adhere to its crystalline structure, and this water records the different isotopes that were present in the ancient lake water at the time of its formation.
The recently found treasure trove has been described as priceless by the team of archaeologists that made the discovery.
A stunning discovery has been made in the mountains of Kazakhstan. Researchers have uncovered around 3,000 gold and precious-metal objects in a remote burial mount, hidden deep within the remote Tarbagatai mountains in Kazakhstan, local media reported.
It is believed that “incalculable” treasure belonged to members of the royalty or the nobility of the Saka people, who dominated Central Asia eight centuries before the birth of Christ. Researchers recovered bell-shaped gold earrings, golden plates, buckles for clothing, chains, and necklaces with precious stones.
But in addition to the fact that the amount of item caught experts by surprise, researchers shave been left awestruck by the precision with which these jewels were manufactured.
The ancient civilization clearly had sophisticated and advanced skills in mining, or extraction, selling and jewelry making, Akhmetov explained.
“We are the heirs of the great people and great technologies,” he said.
Reports suggest that gold necklaces that decorate the clothes were made using sophisticated micro-welding techniques.
This shows great knowledge in the field of metallurgy and indicates an exceptional level for the time in terms of jewelry manufacturing skills.
This points to a highly sophisticated civilization.
According to researchers, the “steppe civilization” of the saka reached an extraordinary level, unlike anything researchers previously thought.
While experts have recovered the massive ancient treasure, they have still not found who it belonged to.
However, archaeologists expect that new excavations will reveal the owners of the treasure shortly.
Professor Zainolla Samashev, in charge of the excavations, said: “A large number of valuable finds in this burial mound let us believe a man and a woman are buried here – the reigning persons or people who belonged to the elite of Saka society.”
The Maya built one of the greatest civilizations in the Americas, and the story of their demise has fascinated people for centuries. Now, a new study reports that environmental aspects — particularly, drought — were a key aspect of their decline.
Overview of the central plaza of the Mayan city of Palenque (Chiapas, Mexico), an example of Classic Maya architecture.
Image credits: Jan Harenburg.
The first mention of a true Maya civilization hails from millennia ago, in 2000 BC. They reached the peak of their power much later, during the Classic period, which lasted up until the year 900 CE. Most Mayan cities were sprawling architectural displays, featuring dazzling palaces, pyramid-temples, ceremonial ballcourts, and structures aligned for astronomical observation. The Mayans tended to develop haphazardly, showing little concern for what the future could bring — and who could blame them? During their zenith, they controlled the entire Yucatán Peninsula and all of the territory now incorporated into the modern countries of Guatemala and Belize, as well as the western reaches of Honduras and El Salvador.
But their lack of concern was not without consequence after all. During the 9th century, their power started to decline. Their beautiful limestone cities were abandoned and step by step, the Maya civilization withdrew and quickly entered decline. There are mentions of Mayans after the year 1000 CE, but their civilization was almost completely wiped off.
The reasons for their decline are not simple — invasion, war, environmental degradation, and collapsing trade routes all had a role to play. But in the 1990s, an interesting theory emerged: after correlating the Maya decline with environmental data, researchers found a period of extended drought — long and severe enough to affect the stability of the empire built by the Maya.
“The role of climate change in the collapse of Classic Maya civilisation is somewhat controversial, partly because previous records are limited to qualitative reconstructions, for example whether conditions were wetter or drier,” said Nick Evans, a PhD student in Cambridge’s Department of Earth Sciences and the paper’s first author.
“Our study represents a substantial advance as it provides statistically robust estimates of rainfall and humidity levels during the Maya downfall.”
Evans and colleagues analyzed the different isotopes of water trapped in gypsum — a mineral that can form on the bottom of lakes during periods of severe drought. They found that annual precipitation levels decreased between 41% and 54% during the period of the Maya civilization’s collapse, with periods of peak drought corresponding to a 70% reduction in rainfall.
In periods of drought, more water tends to evaporate from lakes such as Chichancanab, where this study was carried out. Because the lighter isotopes of water evaporate faster, the remaining water molecules (which also contain other chemicals) become heavier. A higher proportion of heavier isotopes such as oxygen-18 and hydrogen-2 (deuterium), would, therefore, indicate drought conditions. Researchers have mapped the proportion of different isotopes contained within each layer of gypsum, essentially charting the levels of rainfall over the period of the Mayan collapse.
Professor David Hodell, Director of Cambridge’s Godwin Laboratory for Palaeoclimate Research and the senior author of the current paper, was the first to draw a correlation between the drought and the period of Mayan decline. He praised the gypsum-measuring methodology, saying that it leaves very little room for interpretation.
“This method is highly accurate and is almost like measuring the water itself,” said Evans.
While the circumstances that lead to the decline of the Maya are complex and drought cannot be singled out as the one big culprit yet, it does seem that at the very least, drought was an important aspect of it.
Now, researchers will try to use more localized measurements and build more precise models, to see how the drought would have affected agriculture — most importantly, the Maya’s staple crops, such as maize.
Journal Reference: Nicholas P. Evans, Thomas K. Bauska, Fernando Gázquez-Sánchez, Mark Brenner, Jason H. Curtis, David A. Hodell. Quantification of drought during the collapse of the classic Maya civilization. Science, 2018 DOI: 10.1126/science.aas9871
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